Donald Trump represents a remarkable phenomenon in global politics. He was the first U.S. president since Dwight D. (“Ike”) Eisenhower to assume office without prior political experience. Trump is the second American president who will be serving two non-consecutive terms in office. And he is the first president ever to be criminally indicted. In January 2025, Trump became the first convicted felon to serve in the White House as a convicted felon. Despite his dubious reputation, Trump won the 2024 presidential elections comfortably, beating his Democratic rival Harris by a significant margin. As Trump begins his second term in office, the “Trumpism” phenomenon is unfolding in real-time, offering insights as it develops.

In recent months, Trump pledged that he would end the Hamas-Israel War and that he would bring the Israeli hostages, held in Gaza, to their loving families. Trump reiterated very clear warnings to Hamas: If the Israeli hostages in Hamas captivity will not be released by the time he takes office, then there will be “all hell to pay”.  At the time of writing, thanks to Trump’s involvement, seven of the hostages were released. Some 90 others are still in captivity. The Israeli public holds high hopes that Trump will abide by his words and ensure that all hostages will return home to their loving families. Consistent polling shows that the majority of the Israeli public perceives the release of the hostages as the highest priority for the Israeli government. 

Trump is a popular figure in Israel also because he promised to maintain unconditional military and diplomatic support for Israel, pledging that no international conditions be placed on American military aid. Indeed, he has already authorized equipping Israel with 2,000-pound bombs in tandem with his declaration that the United States is going “to make Israel great again” and that he will bring real and lasting peace between Israel and its enemies. Trump also opposed international pressure relating to Israeli settlements, generally perceived by many countries as illegal. Time and again, Trump affirmed that the bond between the United States and Israel is strong and enduring. He stated that “We must stop this perilous slide into conflict, hatred, and destruction” through “unwavering American leadership and unquestioned American strength,” which would allow for “the dawn of a new, more harmonious Middle East [to be] finally within our reach”.  

The majority of Israelis preferred to see Trump in the White House. Vice-President Kamala Harris was perceived as a critical voice of Israel. A poll conducted in November 2024 showed that 66 percent of Israelis preferred Trump over Harris. Seventy-two percent of the Jews in the sample thought Trump was better for Israel’s interests compared to only 11 per cent who thought Harris was the better option. 

While Biden is appreciated for the considerable military aid he provided Israel as the country was forced to fight on seven fronts (Gaza, the West Bank, Iran, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen and Iraq), the superpower of the world under Biden was unable to force a ceasefire and pressure Hamas to release the Israeli hostages. The weaknesses of today’s superpower were exposed time and again. Trump mocked Biden’s leadership and said that with him (Trump) things would have been and will be very different. Indeed, already before Trump assumed office, Israel and Hamas reached an agreement that has evaded the two parties for many months. An urgent conversation between Trump’s Mideast envoy Steve Witkoff and Prime Minister Netanyahu was instrumental in paving the way for an agreement.

Trump is not a specialist in Middle Eastern affairs. While he is aware of some of the complexities surrounding the Arab-Israeli conflict, he does not claim comprehensive expertise. His pragmatic approach to outcomes shapes his approach to Middle Eastern diplomacy and beyond. As a seasoned businessman, Trump is acutely aware of the dynamics of success and failure. He understands the significant distinction between rhetoric and action. Campaign promises, designed to secure electoral victories, do not always translate into feasible policies. Now that Trump has re-entered the White House, he faces the challenge of translating bold ideas into actionable plans. 

This article aims to propose that the Trump administration collaborate with both Israelis and Palestinians to mitigate tensions between the two sides. The Trump administration should advocate for a trajectory of gradual de-escalation. Sustainable non-violent co-existence must be built on strong, practical foundations that are currently absent. While peace remains the ultimate goal—and should be the shared strategy of Israel and the Palestinian Authority (PA)—it cannot be achieved through an abrupt “big bang” approach. Instead, progress must be incremental, fostering trust and gradually separating the two sides en route to a two-state solution. 

Fifty-eight years of occupation have led many Israelis to view it as necessary, normalizing the hardships it imposes on Palestinians and the violence it perpetuates for both sides. This article calls for a positive change for both Israel and the Palestinians.

Trumps’ Record 

In his first term in office, Trump proved himself as an ally of Israel. His administration did not even try to play the role of a fair, unbiased mediator. American relationships with the PA were at a low point. Trump’s simplistic and pragmatic approach was manifested in its most striking way when at a joint press conference with Netanyahu, Trump made this casual statement:

“I am looking at two-state, and one-state, and I like the one that both parties like... I’m very happy with the one that both parties like… I can live with either one. I thought for a while the two-state looked like it may be the easier of the two. But honestly, if Bibi, and if the Palestinians, if Israel and the Palestinians are happy, I’m happy with the one they like the best”.

These remarks, delivered with a smug tone, sounded more like pub banter than a carefully considered response during a serious press conference. It revealed a troubling lack of understanding about the complexities of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Two-state and one-state solutions are profoundly different, with ramifications far beyond casual preference. Lumping them together, as if deciding between playing basketball or football, trivializes the issue and undermines trust in the president’s intentions to mediate effectively.

President Trump’s follow-up on settlements was equally nonchalant: “As far as settlements, I’d like to see you [Netanyahu] hold back on settlements for a little bit.”

This mild admonishment—his strongest critique—hardly conveys the gravity of the settlements as a central obstacle to peace. Simultaneously, Netanyahu used the opportunity to request U.S. recognition of Israel’s sovereignty over the Golan Heights. Trump complied.

Almost six decades since the 1967 Six-Day War, Israel is still occupying the West Bank, Gaza, and the Golan Heights. While Israel annexed the Golan Heights in 1981 and evacuated Gaza in 2005—leading to Hamas’s takeover the following year—it continues to occupy the West Bank and after the October 7, 2023 Hamas’ horrendous terror attack until the recently signed ceasefire, Israel had engaged in steady destruction of infrastructure in Gaza as Israeli leaders aimed to bring to justice all Hamas members.

The term “occupation” is conspicuously absent from Israeli discourse. Many Israelis live in denial, unwilling to confront the harsh reality they impose on other people—a reality they themselves would find intolerable for even a single day. This collective denial perpetuates a regime rooted in coercion and injustice. In my opinion, supporting the occupation and the Israeli settlements in the West Bank is counter to Israel’s and American best interests. 

Since 1967, Israel has controlled Palestinian life in all vital aspects: civic, economy and security. Israel behaves like a control-freak, motivated primarily by fear as well as feelings of superiority. I also argued that while the occupation is primarily bad for the Palestinians, it is also bad for Israel. The occupation erodes Israeli moral fiber, its humanity and civility, and it also undermines Israel’s position in the community of nations. Israel is paying a very high price for its conduct in the occupied territories, and the price will be dearer as the occupation continues. The occupation has to come to an end, the sooner the better. Israel should strive to strike a deal with the Palestinians so that the Palestinians enjoy freedom and Israel enjoys life that is free of violence and terror.

As long as the occupation continues, violence will continue to dominate the Israeli-Palestinian affairs and the conflict will spill over to other parts of the world, including the United States. 

Relocating the U.S. Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem

President Trump relocated the U.S. Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem after appointing an ambassador to Israel who supported this move and who pushed for translating words and wishes into reality. 

I supported relocating the U.S. Embassy—and all other embassies—to Jerusalem. Jerusalem is Israel’s eternal capital, not Tel Aviv. Embassies belong in a nation’s capital. The debate over this move often appears hypocritical. Many countries, including the United States and the United Kingdom, already maintain missions dealing with Palestinian affairs in East Jerusalem. These same countries could situate their embassies addressing relations with Israel in West Jerusalem.

Relocating the embassy does not undermine the concept of a two-state solution, which envisions the division of Jerusalem both de facto and de jure. The city is already divided. A visit to Jerusalem reveals distinct Palestinian neighborhoods that stand in stark contrast to Jewish neighborhoods.

Under the two-state solution, East Jerusalem could become the capital of Palestine, while West Jerusalem would remain Israel’s capital. Alternatively, Jerusalem could be declared an international city, sacred and respected by all faiths, and administered jointly by Israel and Palestine or by the global community. With good will and creative thinking, a viable solution for Jerusalem can be achieved.

The Abraham Accords

Trump’s greatest achievement was the signing of normalization agreements between Israel and the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Morocco, and Sudan. These agreements have significantly transformed the strategic landscape of the Middle East, fostering positive changes and creating mutually beneficial outcomes for all parties involved. Trump has vowed to advance these Accords by seeking further normalization agreements between Israel and Arab states, first and foremost Saudi Arabia, which Trump perceives as important to Israel’s security and stability. Saudi Arabia has insisted time and again that any normalization treaty with Israel should be preceded by a just resolution of the Palestinian problem. Trump very much wants to see such a treaty materialize and he may find the Saudi insistence firm and unshaken. 

The Palestinians, as they did many times in the past, failed to seize the opportunity and did not try to make the lemon into lemonade. They chose to object and oppose the Abraham Accords, something that yielded them no single achievement. The Palestinians should try to be a party to these agreements and harvest considerable economic gains. The Palestinian objection signalled to Israel that the PA is not ready to see Israel as a legitimate state in the Middle East that has a legitimate interest in being accepted and integrated into the region. The Palestinian objection resulted in generating more distrust and suspicion among the Israeli public. These strong sentiments do not serve the Palestinian best interests well. Deep-seated mistrust on both sides continues to undermine efforts for a resolution.

Iran

Very much in line with Israel’s aims, Trump believes that Iran should not become a nuclear power. He criticized Iran for attacking Israel, arguing that “the World is on fire and spiralling out of control” and that under his administration, “Iran was in total check. They were starved for cash, fully contained, and desperate to make a deal”. Trump declared that Iran is keen to make a deal with the United States and that “I would like to see Iran be very successful. The only thing is, they can’t have a nuclear weapon”.

Moving Forward

To move forward, trust-building measures must complement bold political decisions, fostering a climate where solutions for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict can become a reality. To break the enduring cycle of violence, a fresh approach and trajectory must be adopted, emphasizing gradual steps toward sustainable co-existence.

Trump condemned terrorism and expressed unequivocal support for Israel. He stated: “So here is my commitment to you on this solemn date: I will not allow the Jewish state to be threatened with destruction. I will not allow another Holocaust of the Jewish people. I will not allow a jihad to be waged on America or our allies. And I will support Israel’s right to win its war on terror—and win it fast”.

Gaza

Gaza needs to be rebuilt, and a new order must be established. Reconstructing Gaza from its ruins is a complex undertaking, and this responsibility should not only be shared by Israel but is also in its best interest. Israel cannot tackle this challenge alone and must work in partnership with others. To achieve lasting stability, cooperation with Arab countries, as well as international stakeholders such as the PA, the United States, the United Nations, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the Gulf nations, and any other country with a genuine interest in Gaza’s restoration, is essential. On February 4, 2025, Trump declared that the United States would assume responsibility for the rebuilding of Gaza and the resettling of the Gaza residents elsewhere under an extraordinary redevelopment plan. Trump suggested relocating Gazans to Egypt and Jordan. I am not opposed to this proposal in principle, provided Egypt and Jordan agree to take Gazans to their territories and that Gazans wish to relocate.

Trump, as always, is throwing around grand ideas without much elaboration. What is needed is a careful plan carried out in stages and enjoying the consent and approval of the relevant countries and the Arab world at large.

In the first instance, a certain number of Gazans should be agreed upon between the United States, Egypt, and Jordan. This number should be based on estimates of the number of families who have ties in Egypt and Jordan. The underlying reasons should be family reunification and humanitarian aid. The scheme should be offered in the first instance to Gazans who have families in Egypt and Jordan and who voluntarily sign up to immigrate.

These people should apply to immigrate via the usual immigration channels in Egypt and Jordan. Both countries should scrutinize applications carefully to ensure that the applicants are not Muslim fundamentalists who might obstruct law and order and who might join the Muslim Brotherhood and other anti-government organizations.

The last thing these countries need is a fifth column that would undermine the regimes of Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi and Jordan’s King Abdullah II. Egypt and Jordan will decide what status these immigrants will enjoy, as temporary residents for x number of years with the possibility of becoming citizens in Jordan and possibly also in Egypt.

After the first stage of the scheme is complete, lessons should be deduced, and then a further immigration deadline should be offered to new applicants who wish to immigrate on similar grounds, setting another capped quota.

The entire scheme should be sponsored by the United States and executed by Egypt and Jordan. As long as the scheme is based on communication and the consent of all relevant parties, then it is legitimate. Such relocation schemes should not be based on threats and coercion.

Yemen

Since October 7, and until the ceasefire in January 2025, the Houthis in Yemen fired missiles at Israel indiscriminately. Trump is likely to adopt a tougher stance against the Houthis, and expand the scope of American military operations in Yemen, targeting the Houthi infrastructure. He could authorise American forces greater latitude in addressing missile terrorism, with a possible escalation in maritime and air operations while increasing economic sanctions against Yemen. The Trump administration should also work with the Lebanese government, Israel, France and other stakeholders to ensure that Israel’s northern border with Lebanon remains quiet and that the Hezbollah terror organisation remains under check.   

Syria

Syria is also a major concern as its future as a viable independent state is questioned. The Trump administration must engage and be proactive in the building of the Syrian future in a constructive way, one that would enable the Syrian people opportunities to rebuild their lives in peace, free of terror and war.

Additionally, it is crucial to:

Renew constructive collaboration between Israel and the PA on all fronts, particularly security but also civilian and economic matters. President Abbas vowed not to “allow Hamas, which sacrificed the interests of the Palestinian people for Iran and caused destruction in the Gaza Strip, to replicate its actions in the West Bank”.

Here are some figures that show the scale of death and devastation until October 7, 2024: Over 44,000 Palestinians were killed in Gaza and more than 100,000 were wounded. At least 720 Israeli soldiers were killed and 4,576 were wounded. Around 1.9 million Palestinians were displaced (90 percent of the population of Gaza). More than 58,000 Israelis were displaced. Over 120,000 structures in Gaza were moderately damaged or destroyed (66 percent of structures in the Strip). About 92 per cent of primary roads in Gaza were damaged or destroyed. 84 percent of health facilities in Gaza were damaged or destroyed. More than 67 per cent of water and sanitation facilities in Gaza were damaged or destroyed.

Demolishing terrorist spoilers or, at the very least, marginalising Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and other terrorist factions, dismantling their weapons. Israel cannot afford another 7 October attack. With the exception of the Holocaust, October 7, 2023 was one of the bloodiest days in Jewish history. The attack sank the Israeli nation into a collective trauma. The aim should be to incorporate Hamas into the PLO under specific conditions and with the PLO’s consent, as Hamas represents a major obstacle to peace.

Insist on holding democratic elections in the West Bank, ensuring that only parties committed to peace, the recognition of Israel as a democratic Jewish state, and the fight against terror and violence are allowed to participate.

Support into Gaza should be monitored closely. Qatar should not be allowed to continue delivering Hamas many millions of dollars.

Israel and Egypt should work together so that the Philadelphi Corridor ceases to be a major transport way to equip Hamas and the Islamic Jihad with weapons and other means to wage their destructive campaign against Israel.

What Israel Needs to Do

Bolster its security: By expanding its manpower as well as its defensive and offensive capabilities, its intelligence and command structure.

Deescalate: Israel has fought on seven fronts, exhausting its manpower capabilities. Israeli leaders should look for non-violent solutions and containment of violence in the region via diplomacy and cooperation with other nations.

Avoid Unilateral Actions: Engage in collaborative, inclusive decision-making to prevent further escalation.

Engage in Dialogue: Initiate open discussions with Palestinian and Arab leaders as well as the U.S. administration on practical steps to reduce tensions.

Develop a Concrete Plan: Collaborate with the Palestinian Authority and other parties to gradually reduce military presence in Gaza and the West Bank, ensuring security via cooperation is maintained during the transition.

Expand Palestinian Autonomy: Increase self-governance and administrative authority for the PA in key areas in Gaza and the West Bank.

What the Palestinians Need to Do

Avoid Unilateral Actions: Work collaboratively with international and Israeli counterparts.

Accept Security Responsibilities: Gradually assume control over security operations from Israeli forces.

Demonstrate Security Capabilities in fighting terrorism: Prove the PA’s ability to manage sensitive security responsibilities effectively in collaboration with Israel, Egypt, Jordan and other parties. Publicly and unequivocally declare that terrorism undermines Palestinian national aspirations for independence and statehood. These words should be supplemented by decisive deeds to prevent spoilers from doing what they know best: spoil. Terrorism sustains and justifies the occupation; combating it is critical to achieving independence.

Engage in Dialogue: Open discussions with Israeli and U.S. administrations to address spoilers and obstacles to peace.

Develop a Shared Plan: Collaborate with Israel, the U.S. and Arab countries on a phased plan for the rebuilding of Gaza and transferring responsibilities to the PA.

Expand Autonomy Transparently: Strengthen PA governance with accountability and transparency to build trust.

The Role of the United States

The U.S. has a pivotal role in mediating peace efforts, learning from past successes and failures.

Draw Lessons from History: Reflect on successful peace negotiations, such as the 1970s Israel-Egypt agreements, and study both positive experiences and missteps, including the autonomy plan proposed by Menachem Begin and the lessons from Camp David 2000.

Implement Incremental, Doable Plans: Relocating the entire population of Gaza is a pipedream. Drawing a scheme of relocating Gazans who wish to relocate to other countries that wish to accept them on the basis of family unification and humanitarian aid, with consent and without coercion is much more sensible.

Foster Trust-Building Initiatives: Encourage actions that reduce friction and tension while laying the groundwork for equitable coexistence.

Encourage Israel’s integration into the Middle East, undermining attempts to delegitimize Israel, and pushing the parties to address the root causes of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

By working collaboratively and incrementally, Israel, the Palestinians, and the United States can chart a new course toward a future of peace and security for both peoples.

Conclusion

Resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict requires courageous leadership and decisive action. As an experienced businessman, Trump understands that high stakes demand significant investment and effort. By pursuing a strategy grounded in fairness, trust, containment of violence and incremental progress, his administration has the potential to make meaningful contributions to peace—a legacy that would truly stand the test of time.

President Trump has the potential to ignite a sense of urgency in Israel and Palestine, fostering trust, goodwill, and security between the two sides. The United States possesses the resources and influence to play a pivotal role by improving economic conditions for Palestinians, enhancing security for both parties and enforcing a policy of zero tolerance for all forms of violence. The U.S. can also pressure Israel to halt the expansion of settlements, provide security guarantees that enable the dismantling of checkpoints, and ease the daily lives of Palestinian civilians. Furthermore, the international community must be engaged in this trust-building process to ensure a collaborative and sustainable approach. Rebuilding Gaza may take a generation. A well-considered and well-executed plan is required.

The journey toward peace is long and arduous, but the potential rewards are immeasurable. With a genuine commitment to achieving peace in our time, President Trump—using his bold and tenacious approach—has the opportunity to help fulfil a long-cherished dream. By fostering a new chapter in Arab-Israeli relations, he could pave the way for a future where children grow up seeing one another as neighbours rather than adversaries, celebrating shared humanity, and replacing conflict with cooperation.