Managing Crises, the Least-Bad Option
Conflict management in the MENA region has little chance of succeeding as conflicts increasingly intersect and tensions driven by larger, regional triggers become even more unpredictable
Conflict management in the MENA region has little chance of succeeding as conflicts increasingly intersect and tensions driven by larger, regional triggers become even more unpredictable
Over the last seventy-five years, the endlessly shifting coalitions on the chessboard of Arab regional politics seem to have played by the same rules of the game. Yet, as private interests have become a major source of political power, there have been major changes in the powers and purposes of the players
Gains made in the wake of the Tunisian uprising and in the decade since cannot be fully qualified but, on the ground, it is clear that Tunisia has transformed itself.
The American tendency to overthrow existing governments in sovereign states has been fuel and fodder for conspiracy theories of the last decade.
It’s time to stop using a Western-based concept ten years on from the events that began the Arab Uprisings.
The volume edited by Wolfgang Mühlberger and Toni Alaranta highlights the importance of political narratives in making sense of the complexities of the MENA countries.
In the last half-century, Egypt has had to negotiate its way through the Arab–Israeli peace process, regional nuclear proliferation, and domestic political transition. What has it taught us?
From a political economy perspective, there are four key forces working against the peace and prosperity of Middle Eastern and North African states. To defeat them, robust institutions are essential.
The Arab Spring is a decisive event that continues to reshape the geopolitics of the region, so why has no progress been made to create a security collective?
Sudan’s path to democracy has been a rocky one, and there are several key players who need to ensure it never returns to an autocratic state
What Mubarak’s legacy reveals about changes in different generations’ relationship to state and society.
Erdoğan wanted to build a “neo-Ottoman” empire but missed out on what is strategically most important—real influence in the Middle East
From Algeria to Sudan, the time for good governance is now
In the post-Arab Spring Middle East, the forces of geopolitics and geo-economics are shaping the region and potentially point to a more cooperative future
Understanding Turkey’s diplomatic moves post-2011 by looking back to the Ottoman conception of ittihad-i Islam
Middle East historian James Gelvin speaks to Cairo Review editors Sean David Hobbs and Leslie Cohen about Middle Eastern current affairs, including where Syria is headed, and whether America’s moment in the Middle East has passed.
Can Tunisia serve as a model for Arab Spring countries?
Following the Arab Spring, the fight for women’s sexual and social rights will be won in the Middle East and North Africa through progressive evolution, not revolution.
How can we upturn narratives about the Arab Spring uprisings?
Study reveals unemployment as number one problem
The Middle East is reeling from domestic battles between progressive and repressive visions, the impact of globalization, and an exploding youth bulge. Now the reemergence of Russia, the rise of China, and the election of a nonconformist American president also require the Arab World’s urgent attention.
Given the domestic upheavals that accompanied the Arab uprisings of 2011, how did Tunisia become the Arab Spring’s success story? Part of the answer is the pragmatism of the Islamist Ennahda movement, which formed a troika coalition with two secular parties after the ouster of the country’s dictator.
The year 2016 has demonstrated that the West, the liberal order the Arab World sought to become a part of, was going through an identity crisis of its own.
The exercise of power and public authority in the Arab World has always been defined by small groups of men—usually anchored in military establishments—who seized and sat in the seats of power.
Within and beyond the Arab World, many see the Maghreb’s smallest country as a beacon of hope. Tunisians themselves aren’t so sure.
Disillusionment with the January 25 revolution and what followed might be the first step towards a better, and more democratic, Egypt.
More than ever before, it’s important to understand what we mean when we talk about the January 25 revolution.
Today as then, we have no idea how disgruntled citizens will transform their fears into political acts. But we probably do know that they will do this, so for stubborn Arab regimes, this is a much more dangerous citizenry than the one of 2011.
People who seek real insights into Arabs’ views and values, rather than the fantasy and racism that dominate much of the public discussion, would do well to read the extensive poll findings of the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies.
We should honor the millions who have participated in the latest noble quest for dignity and democracy, and enhance their ability to succeed by better understanding why success has been so rare in the past century of stubborn Arab paternalism.
“The Arab region has for the most part not created stable, productive, and equitable civil states defined by modernity’s benefits because for decades it has functioned under three simultaneous dominant contexts: neo-patrimonial states, neo-patriarchal societies, and neo-liberal peripheral economies.”
Happenings, speakers, and events at the American University in Cairo.
The January 25 Tahrir Square uprising raised high hopes for change after years of dictatorship. But the failure of revolutionaries to organize and unite doomed the prospects for democracy.
It is difficult to predict the outcome of the region’s transformation, but at least one thing is clear: we are witnessing the birth of Arab citizens who express themselves in the public sphere.
Defeating despotism is only one goal of the Second Arab Awakening. The region must also embrace political, cultural, and religious pluralism, good governance, the rule of law, and inclusive economic growth.