One of Israel’s main responses to the October 7 attacks was to declare that “Hamas is ISIL,” and that the world should thus unite in support for Israel to eliminate it. But others are not sure, and ask whether Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territories, and its practices as an occupying power, is even more worthy of global sanction
Conflict management in the MENA region has little chance of succeeding as conflicts increasingly intersect and tensions driven by larger, regional triggers become even more unpredictable
It’s time to stop using a Western-based concept ten years on from the events that began the Arab Uprisings.
Extremist groups will attempt to take advantage of the turmoil created by COVID-19—and it’s not the first time.
Political Scientist Lisa Anderson explores how the local players in the Libyan conflict affect the decision-making of states, both in North Africa and beyond.
Reconstruction in Iraq cannot be achieved without universal reconciliation, economic and education reform, and equitable application of the rule of law
In a speech which may have policy implications for the Trump Administration’s Middle East policy, the United States Secretary of State Mike Pompeo lays out plans for the region at the American University in Cairo.
To get involved in Syria, Russia had to turn to Iran as an unexpected ally, yet as the conflict develops, it is ready to accommodate any and all players to strengthen its foothold in the region
How Raqqa Youth Survived ISIS
The Syrian Al-Assad regime’s survival owes a lot to its foreign patrons, as well as U.S. incompetence.
The contradictions of U.S. foreign policy could lead to renewed tensions with Gulf leaders.
America wades deeper into the quagmire of Syria’s civil war.
Perceptions of the Islamic State’s attack on the Yazidis focus on the enslavement of women and girls, but the barbarous gender-based assaults on women as well as men are an integral part of the group’s campaign of genocide to eradicate a religious minority.
The wave of terrorist attacks in 2016 has clear roots in the violence of military-driven foreign policies.
This is a bitter legacy for the past three American administrations and for all their international partners in inhuman, uncaring policies that have wrecked the lives and futures of hundreds of millions of people.
Beheading of men, rape, and enslavement of women—the destruction of a minority ethnic community is among the crimes committed by the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. Will the group be brought to justice for its persecution of the Yazidis?
The Islamic State group is losing territory in Iraq and Syria, but it may have staying power in one of its three permutations: ISIS is simultaneously a movement for Sunni Muslim empowerment, a global jihadist movement, and an apocalyptic cult.
Unless and until the Arab world’s political and socioeconomic dimensions are addressed and significantly improved, the Islamic State group or other movements like it, or even worse than it, will continue to emerge from Arab societies.
Syria, Turkey, Iraq, Lebanon, and Iran effectively have to be seen as a single geo-strategic arena in which hundreds of local and national actors engage one another—and many have links to other regional players and global powers.
President Barack Obama needs to square up with the realities of the Middle East.
The Chilcot Inquiry’s findings have shed new and unflattering light on the UK’s involvement in the 2003 invasion of Iraq.
Attacks by Islamic State terrorists in Jordan and Lebanon in the past week reflect a troubling new angle to that group’s strategy as its heartland in northern Syria and Iraq increasingly shrinks in the face of coordinated military attacks against it.
Overblown belief in the power of U.S. intervention simplifies the problem.
Destroying the so-called “Islamic State” is not enough.
Al-Qaeda’s operational shift towards Syria underlines the dangers created by crumbling states in the Levant.
That it is Russia and the United States who are signaling future developments in Syria is not a good sign of a stable situation to come.
Despite the small but important military victory in Ramadi, Iraqi forces still face significant challenges fighting the Islamic State in Anbar and reining in Shia militias in Diyala and Basra.
President Barack Obama had to deal with a dysfunctional state system and fraying civil societies, as well as blowback from George W. Bush’s invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq. Yet his own actions and inactions throughout two terms of office contributed significantly to the great unraveling of the Middle East.
This week’s most intriguing sign of things to come was the official announcement that Saudi Arabia is willing to provide ground forces to fight “Islamic State” (ISIS) in Syria.
The main difference between the US and UN approaches is that the UN correctly focuses on addressing the underlying drivers of violent extremism and terrorism, while the US government tends to downplay or ignore those critical underlying causes.
Supporting Kurdish groups in Syria could empower them to play a role in resolving regional conflicts, not just in Syria but also in Iraq and Turkey.
People who seek real insights into Arabs’ views and values, rather than the fantasy and racism that dominate much of the public discussion, would do well to read the extensive poll findings of the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies.
The promise of Western military support and a shared opposition to Russia’s intervention are driving Syrian opposition forces to unite and—for many of them—move away from extremist rhetoric.
Donald Trump and Abu Bakr Al-Baghdadi peddle similar fantasies to ordinary people living in diminished and stressed conditions.
A typical week in the confounding “global war on terror,” in which terrorists perform their evil deeds across many countries while governments keep looking for the appropriate strategy to defeat them.
We will get nowhere other than where we are today if we all refuse to analyze the deeper drivers of radicalism that feed tens of thousands of recruits to these killer organizations.
ISIS has carried out attacks in Turkey, Egypt, and France over the past month. In response, international leaders have declared “war” on the terrorist organization. It remains far from clear whether further military intervention will harm, or benefit, the so-called “Islamic State”.
The Vienna talks on Syria have produced an important agreement that clearly signals one thing and one thing only: The fighting in Syria is no longer to anyone’s advantage and must be brought to an end soon.
The terrorist attacks in Paris have unleashed a wave of international solidarity. But what about when a bomb goes off in Beirut, Baghdad, or Ankara? Shouldn’t we mourn those victims, too?
President Hollande has called for a “merciless struggle” against ISIS. But France’s “war” with the terrorist group began well before Friday’s attacks.
Four important dimensions of the recent developments in the Middle East—the terror bombs in south Beirut, and the apparent bomb that brought down the Russian airliner.
ISIS and other militants dominate the headlines, but Iraq’s citizens face daily another, equally terrifying threat: a failing, and criminally corrupt, state.
Strangely for those Middle Eastern and foreign governments that fight ISIS, the more they attack it the greater seem to be its territorial spread and adherents.
By destroying rebel groups’ attempts at local governance, Russian military assistance is helping Assad present his government as the only viable force to rule Syria.
Does religion cause violence? Or is it just our human nature?
The Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) proclaimed a caliphate in 2014. An in-depth report on how its militants are using severe brutality and radical interpretations of sharia law to govern a large civilian population.
Abu Bakr Al-Baghdadi rarely allows himself to be seen in public, hence his nicknames the “phantom” and the “invisible sheikh.” A veteran journalist pieces together the story of the most feared jihadist leader since Osama Bin Laden.
An investigation of the chaos in Iraq and Syria.
